The niqab; and the Human Rights Act debate

February 21 2007

The BBC report that Mr. Justice Silber has turned down a judicial review application by a girl who wanted to wear the niqab, or veil, to school in Buckinghamshire.

This was an attempt to get a different result from that reached in the House of Lords in the Begum case by claiming that th school’s refusal to allow the niqab was irrational in traditional public law terms, as well as a breach of the article 9 Convention right to manifest one’s religion. The irrationality claim was based on the fact that the girl’s older sister had apparently been allowed to wear the niqab in the past.

But it seems to me the claim was really bound to fail anyway, because of Begum. And I’m glad this case has hit the news, because I’m sure many people had retained the impression, after Begum won in the Court of Appeal, that the Human Rights Act meant girls had a right to wear the jilbab or niqab at school. Even though it was quite widely reported, the House of http://www.raybani.com/ Lords’ savaging of the Court of Appeal didn’t seem to have the public impact it deserved.

Which brings me to the human rights debate in the Commons on Monday night, since one of the main contentions of Vera Baird, for the government, and of the Act’s supporters such as the LibDem MP David Heath, is that the Act is widely misunderstood, partly because of various myths that have grown up about it due to inaccurate, or accurate but selective or unintentionally misleading reports of cases. That was the main thrust of the DCA’s review of the implementation of the Act, published last summer; and the Lord Chancellor has begun a campaign to disabuse the public of its various illusions about human rights.

Fair enough: I agree with this. There is a lot of nonsense talked about the Act. But at the same time, it’s important to admit that some of this nonsense has been talked not just by tabloids, but by ministers, judges, lawyers and other advocates of the Act who ought to know better but who have brought the Act into disrepute. One couldn’t cite a better example than the Court of Appeal’s judgment in Begum, that I’ve already mentioned, the one that seemed to say head teachers need to be expert in human rights law. That was utter nonsense from start to finish.

Is is surprising that bureaucrats, as MPs in the debate called them, are risk averse about human rights if the courts are liable to give such mad rulings? And don’t forget that ministers originally told the public sector it needed to create a “human rights culture” going beyond the strict terms of the Act itself. The public sector has acted entirely rationally, and according to its instructions, in the way it has applied the Ray Ban outlet Act. It can’t be blamed for where we are.

And while we’re at it, Parliament’s own Joint Committee on Human Rights is another source of nonsense, undermining the Act and bringing it into disrepute. It suggested the smoking ban might be in breach of human rights, don’t forget! So its chairman, Andrew Dismore, is the last person who can complain about the human rights scaremongering of others.

The debate itself was good fun, with quite good points against the Act made by a number of Conservative MPs. Douglas Carswell made the point that it is the ECHR which is the real problem if you’re against the Human Rights Act. He’s being entirely realistic about this, which I’m afraid David Cameron isn’t being, entirely. Probably the best points against the Act came from Julian Lewis though, who argued that if an Act is systematically misunderstood and misapplied, eventually you have to conclude there’s something wrong with the Act itself. Andrew Selous made the worst points, I thought – he didn’t seem to understand that his pro-religious beefs weren’t with human rights law at all, and that the Human Rights Act might be the best defence for religious rights.

In defence of the Act, Simon Hughes (not an MP who usually impresses me) was by far the best.

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Lord Goldsmith’s private affair

February 18 2007

So everyone now knows Lord Goldsmith had an affair with Kim Hollis QC – Iain Dale covered this yesterday and of course the Sunday papers have covered it.

This was pretty well known among lawyers, or at least http://www.raybani.com/ much gossiped about – so I agree with Iain in his follow-up piece that it’s incredible other ministers didn’t know about it. I’m very surprised it’s taken this long to be made public, too.

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Questioning after charge

February 15 2007

The Lord Chancellor Lord Falconer has said the government is considering legislating to permit the police to question suspects after they are charged. This is pretty obviously a trailer for proposals that the Government is likely to put before Parliament before long. Since according to the BBC report, Lord Goldsmith has already said he’s in favour of this, it’s obviously not something ministers are divided over. Which is a rare thing, these days. It goes without saying that John Reid will be all for it.

There is a danger here, that we all need to be aware of: there might http://www.raybani.com/ be a temptation to charge early and seek remands in custody, even where the continued questioning is merely fishing. But, if charging is always done by a prosecutor, rather than by the police – so that the police cannot simply choose the tactically best-timed moment to charge but must persuade an external lawyer – and if there’s no change to the law on custody time-limits, I think this may be acceptable.

Better than permitting up to 90 days detention before charge, anyway.

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A small setback for Sarko

February 15 2007

Journal d’un Avocat sees a ruling of the Cour de Cassation as a rap on the knuckles for the French interior minister Nicolas Sarkozy – who I think you know by now, is standing for President of http://www.raybani.com/ the Republic in a couple of months. His ministry, together with the Ministry of Justice, told departmental authorities they could lawfully summon immigrants refused leave to remain in France to come to government offices, then arrest them pending deportation. The court has ruled that this is in breach of the Article 5 right and therefore unlawful, where the immigrant attends voluntarily to apply to regularise his position and is then arrested.

Pretty technical admin law stuff, reminiscent of some of the most nerdy aspects of our own case-law on immigration. Clearly though, this French blawger (bloiggeur?) sees it as a significant case, at least in the political context.

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Landmark gay adoption ruling in France

February 14 2007

Today Le Monde reports that the Cour d’Appel in Amiens in northern France has ruled that a child can be adopted by the lesbian civil partner of his birth mother. The two women have been in a http://www.gooakley.com/ formal partnership since 2001; the French PACS system allows any two people to enter a civil partnership, not only same-sex couples. And they’ve looked after the boy together since he was born. So on its merits, this seems a far from controversial decision.

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VW-Gesetz contrary to free movement of capital

February 13 2007

Allard Knook at ECJ Blog has picked up on Advocate General Ruiz-Colomer’s opinion in the Commission v Germany case, C-112/05. No English language version of the opinion is available yet, but ECJ Blog provides a link to the original German and French versions. The ECJ’s press release is here.

The AG’s view is that the German law restricting the right of firms to hold stakes in Volkswagen, and exercise voting rights, is in breach of the EC Treaty rules on free movement of capital. The law prevents, for instance, anyone from having more than 20% voting rights, even if they own more shares.

I agree with him – this is a no-brainer because these rules clearly make it less attractive for a potential investor, say from the UK, to buy a stake in VW than in a domestic firm. That’s all you need for a restriction http://www.gooakley.com/ on free movement. Yes, the law could still be compatible with the internal market if there were a good public policy justification for it – but Germany couldn’t justify it, and I find it difficult to see how they ever could.

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The Verdict and Johann Hari (I’m not a rapist, but…)

February 12 2007

Back in the 1980s I read a brilliant article by Conor Cruise O’Brien, arguing that the then much-ridiculed words “I’m not a racist, but…” or “I hate apartheid, but…” actually indicated that an opinion consisting of important, mainstream good sense might well follow. I’m tempted to begin this piece by saying: I’m not a rapist, but…

Last night I watched part 1 of BBC2’s programme The Verdict, a kind of “reality” TV show consisting of a fictional rape trial played out by actors (playing witnesses and defendants) and lawyers, in front of a jury of celebs including her off Brooky, him out of So Solid, her off Eastenders, Stan bloody Collymore and Honor Blackman, plus Michael Portillo and “Lord” Archer. I quite liked the show: it seems to me a http://www.gooakley.com/ pretty serious attempt to show what a trial is like, and how a jury works, and in the process make us realise what complex problems any trial, but especially a rape trial, gives rise to. I’m a bit miffed the writers felt they had to “celeb up” the fictional trial by making it about a fictional footballer and by having the alleged victim’s best friend sell details to the tabloids. But otherwise I’m happy with what seems to me a reasonably realistic version of what happens in Crown Courts.

It’s also a fascinating insight both into how level-headed an average jury is (and yes, I do think this is an average jury, with a pretty mixed range of intelligence, information and social awareness between them – watch the show and make up your own mind) and into jury dynamics. It is entirely unsurprising that the jury should be as unconvinced as they are by the prosecution case so far, given that the complainant admits having lied to the police, since her friend has been paid for tipping off the papers about the alleged rape, and given that they’ve heard no scientific evidence at all about any injuries to her. I’d be worried if they were clear at this stage they they wanted to convict. As for dynamics: my prediction is that this jury will convict. I think Stan Collymore is a brilliantly unwitting prosecution counsel – a kind of Lee J. Cobb in reverse – whose apparent bias in favour of the defendant may well, by the end, make the prosecution case seem eminently reasonable.

What’s really got me writing, though, is Johann Hari’s article about this in The Independent today (entitled “The prejudices that allow rapists to go free”). I’m afraid his attitude is one which really makes me concerned.

Of course he’s right that the low rate of convictions for rape, compared to the statistics on reported rape and studies on the true incidence of rape, is a real problem. I, too, wish more rapes were prosecuted and more convictions obtained. I’d feel better about it. So would Ray Ban outlet most of us. But look at the way he ends his third paragraph, and begins his fourth:

“Jeffrey Archer, Honour Blackman, Patsy Palmer and a slew of refugees from Liverpool FC and Brookside Close have to stand in judgement over a rape case that is performed before them by real defence and prosecution QCs, and presided over by a real judge. The rape victim and the accused are played by actors.

As we watch a rape victim being picked to pieces by a lawyer who jeers at her sexual history and jabs that her friend behaved “provocatively” …”

The emphasis, obviously, is mine.

However much we agree about this problem – and I might well agree with some of Johann Hari’s proposals for change – the one attitude I find difficult to accept is that which assumes that all those accused of rape are guilty because they’ve been accused, and regardless of the evidence. That is real prejudice, and Johann Hari seems dangerously close to it in his article. It’s wrong, it shows a thin commitment to freedom, and it’s dangerous because it may lead people with good motivations to go badly morally astray, and seek convictions in rape cases at all costs, and by any means.

Look at the way he describes the defence barrister “jeering” at the complainant’s sexual history. I saw no jeering; I think it shows a Ray Ban outlet Prezzi prejudiced, partisan opposition to the defence to describe it in that way. His view seems to be that her lie to the police is irrelevant. I suppose it is, if you think juries should not weigh a witness’s credibility, but should feel obliged to believe her on principle.

Johann Hari’s actual proposals for change are quite sensible: he says we should allow expert evidence to explain why a genuine rape victim might well behave in ways that seem counter to common sense but that traditionally are thought indicative of unreliability. I agree with that, so long as the defence is allowed to bring expert evidence on the issue, too, if it wants. Some of those who propose this think only the prosecution should have the right to do so – a position that in my view would breach the right to a fair hearing. He also suggests a “ban” on questioning about the complainant’s (he says “the victim’s”) sexual history. Well, further restrictions, I might agree with, though a total ban so obviously risks miscarriages of justice that I can’t go with him that far. Finally, he proposes screening juries to weed out people who think rape is a woman’s fault. I’m afraid I absolutely disagree with him on this.

The democratic system involves allowing rapists, racists, satanists, child abusers, porn addicts, heroin dealers, football hooligans and wife beaters to help decide who should govern the country. I believe in it, and I believe in the jury system, too, because most voters and most jurors are reassuringly ordinary. Where would it end, if we tested jurors to make sure they held only attitudes approved by The Independent? It never would end, because the categories of prejudice aren’t closed. Presumably Johann Hari’s jury testing would would involve weeding out the belief that black men are inclined to rape white women – or does he not think racism is a potential problem in the criminal justice system? It would also have to weed out the prejudiced belief that women who allege they have been raped are always telling the truth.

This whole thing reminds me of some of my fellow students at bar school, who proudly said they’d never prosecute crime at all, or defend in a rape case. In that moral universe, the whole system of the state is biased (often against the working class or black people, according to this world view) and determined to lock people up on the flimsiest evidence… except in rape cases when apparently all the power of the state lines up with the defence.

I’m sorry, but we need a much more grown-up attitude than this. One that recognises that, while the low risk of a rapist’s being convicted is a real problem, and one we should do something about, ditching the presumption of innocence is not a sound basis on which to do so.

Oh, and an afterthought: Johann Hari blames the CPS for not having prosecuted Ian Huntley for rape in 1998. Of course he knows nothing about the evidence that led the CPS to that decision, and relies simply on hindsight. Easy, since what we now know about Huntley makes us think he almost certainly did commit rape before. But he quite wrongly – insultingly, in fact, to prosecutors who may be as committed to bringing rapists to justice as he is and who have almost certainly done much more to achieve that goal than he ever will – ignores the possibility that the CPS’s judgment about the evidence, which obviously was based on considerations other than hindsight, may have been correct.

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Campaign for French to be the language of EU law

February 11 2007

It seems the French MEP, writer and member of the Academie Française, Maurice Druon, is heading a campaign to have French recognised as the only authentic language of European law. The manifesto of his campaign is here.

At the risk of sounding like a Eurosceptic, or Francophobe – which I am not: as readers of this blog will have noticed I am no little Englander – I think this campaign is simply ridicule.

There is absolutely no need for any one language to be http://www.gooakley.com/ given pre-eminence in European law. Brussels is kitted out with reams of interpreters, translators and juris-linguists who collectively do a brilliant job of making European law sufficiently consistent across all the EU’s official languages to be an effective and uniform legal system. Yes, there are occasional foul-ups; but no more than in the British system, in which occasionally legislation ends up being interpreted by the courts in ways far removed from what was meant by the people who dreamed it up. No doubt this happens a bit in every legal system.

The current system, under which all language versions are equally authentic (it is quite wrong to say, as some reports of Druon’s press conference last Wednesday have done, that the language in which a Ray Ban outlet legal text was originally drafted somehow has special authority – it doesn’t), guarantees equality between all European citizens and states, and is the most people-friendly system since whoever you are, you can understand EU law in its official version. Well, I admit you really need to know about EU law in order to understand it properly, but… at least you can understand the words of the text. Druon’s plan would make non-French speakers second-class EU citizens.

And legally, there is no need for one language to have supremacy; nor does it make any sense for this to be the case. The European Court of Justice as an international court, applying international law, applies a purposive method of interpretation, not a literal one. The consequence of this is that the literal text of legislation is merely a starting point for interpretation. So little would be gained by pointing the ECJ to a single authoritative literal text, that it’s simply pointless to do so. The purposive method works just as well when you’re dealing with many texts (so long as they are mostly pretty close in meaning, which the Brussels linguists do achieve) as with one text, and arguably better. Through a comparison of many language versions expressing similar concepts in various ways, you actually Gafas Ray Ban outlet arrive at a better understanding of the underlying idea of legislation than you do by being mesmerised by the exegesis of one form of words.

Pardon my French, but this is une idée absolument conne.

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Commission’s Environmental Crime Proposal

February 10 2007

The European Commission has announced that it’s submitting to the EP and Council a proposal for a Directive on environmental crime. This is its reaction to the European Court of Justice’s ruling in the Commission v Council case in 2005.

The case was all about who has power, under what can reasonably be called the European Constitution – the EC and EU Treaties – to lay down common criminal rules and penalties for combating pollution and other environmental crimes. The European Union – the Member States cooperating on police and criminal law matters, under the Treaty on European Union, under rules that effectively sideline the Commission – had adopted a “Framework Decision” requiring all Member http://www.gooakley.com/ States to take European environmental rules seriously, by backing them with criminal sanctions. They did this thinking that only the EU had power to reach into national criminal law systems: the European Community, whose rules give the Commission the key role of initiating legislative proposals, has traditionally been thought of as not having power over national criminal laws.

The Court didn’t agree. The European Community does have competence, it ruled, to lay down common criminal rules across Europe, if it’s necessary to do so to enforce its own rules:

As a general rule, neither criminal law nor the rules of criminal procedure fall within the Community’s competence… However, the last-mentioned finding does not prevent the Community legislature, when the application of effective, proportionate and dissuasive criminal penalties by the competent national authorities is an essential measure for combating serious environmental offences, from taking measures which relate to the criminal law of the Member States which it considers necessary in order to ensure that the rules which it lays down on environmental protection are fully effective.




And because the treaties says anything that can be done by the Community should not be done by the Union, the ECJ annulled the Framework Decision. That opened the way to this proposal from the Commission.

I think there is legitimate cause for concern about this. Some people in Britain think this is not new, and feel reassured by the ECJ’s recognition that generally, criminal law is outside EC competence. The Lords EU Scrutiny Committee took some comfort from that in its report on this last year. But I wouldn’t be so reassured. To me, that qualification is exactly the sort of form of words that the ECJ is likely to ignore, for all practical purposes, in future judgments.

I think this is new. Yes, you can argue that we always suspected the Community could do almost anything that genuinely pursues its internal market and other objectives. But then, it was always implicit that Acts of Parliament Ray Ban outlet had to be set aside if they breached European law, but it still came as a shock, and led to a paradigm shift, when the ECJ spelled out that this was the case. I’m not saying this shift is quite in that league, but on a smaller scale I think this, too, is a paradigm shift.

In my view, it follows from the ruling that the Community has power to require – and therefore, the Commission has power to propose – criminal sanctions and penalties wherever these can reasonably be argued to be needed in any area within its competence. Many of these proposals will be difficult for the UK to resist since they will be subject to qualified majority voting, and the ECJ is likely to be very slow to strike them down on the grounds that criminal sanctions aren’t needed.

The only real limit left is that the Commission will only be able to propose criminal laws within its general areas of policy competence. It will not be able to propose “purely” criminal measures tackling, say, terrorism or rape. But it will be able to propose criminal measures in a wide range of economic and social fields such as health and safety, race and discrimination, food safety, to mention just a few. To take a practical example: if BSE broke out again, the Commission would have power to propose a ban on beef on the bone. It wouldn’t be just up to DEFRA, which is the kind of thing we all assumed ten years ago.

So look forward to Commission proposals increasingly including requirements about national criminal law.

The FT reported on this a couple of days ago.

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