The two opinion pieces that have most closely reflected my views are those by John Rentoul in the “Sindy“ yesterday and Hugo Brady at Comment is Free. I think John Rentoul is right that
When the voters of France and the Netherlands threw out the constitution in the summer of 2005, that should have been the end of it. Instead, the corpse sat up in the bath.
They’re both right that Lisbon is dead and I agree with Hugo Brady that a more low-key, pragmatic approach from leaders is needed in future. I might surprise one or two people when I say I also agree with his implication at least that some of the Lisbon changes could and even arguably should be brought in piecemeal anyway: I see no outrage in this as long as they limit the EU’s power.
This FT reaction at least recognised that political leaders bear some responsibility for the “crisis”, but I despair when I read pieces like this from Jackie Ashley and these in Le Monde and Le Figaro.
I’ve also been contributing to quite a sharp debate at Jon Worth’s Euroblog.
Carl,
Your continued stance as an unreformed supporter of a virtual none-speed Europe may resonate with British opinion, but why not read The Federalist between your spells of insularity?
Oh, Ralf. Honestly. You’re teasing me. I may be on a physical island, but you’re the one who’s on an island of the mind!
As for speeds… it’s sensible first to work out what direction you want to go in. If you’re in a cul-de-sac, turning round is best; but just stopping is better than ploughing on into the wall.
Carl, neartening to see that we agree on some basic facts.
In its present form the Treaty of Lisbon is dead, we seem to agree.
But in my view, you opt for standing immobile in front of the wall of the dead-end street.
My option is to look for the politcal will to get moving out of the cul-de-sac and then chose for a new viable and legally sound option to conquer immobility mode.
With changed circumstances and against the backdrop of international law, the willing member states have sufficient options if the political will is there.
I think that 18 ratifying states (and counting) has as legitimate interests to tend to their interests as the Irish electors to their perceived view of Ireland’s future role.
I respect their decision, but I ask them (and you) to respect mine.