In today’s Independent, President of the European Court of Human Rights Sir Nicolas Bratza defends the record of his court, and effectively pleads for more understanding in Britain. The European Court, he says

has been particularly respectful of decisions emanating from courts in the UK since the coming into effect of the Human Rights Act, and this because of the very high quality of those judgments. To take 2011 as the most recent example: of the 955 applications against the UK decided, the court found a violation of the convention in just eight cases.

This is a good point to make, rightly correcting the misleading statistics that have been bandied around on this subject and that have already been taken apart by Adam Wagner at the UK Human Rights Blog.

In fact, Bratza makes a number of very good points. The Strasbourg court’s influence has been overwhelmingly positive, he says, citing issues on which its rulings have been widely accepted such as corporal punishment, homosexuality, the rights of transsexuals and the treatment of child defendants. He reminds us of the court’s role in consolidating democratic reform in central and eastern Europe, and points out that the court’s backlog is not the result of its inefficiency, but of the huge and increasing volume of applications it receives. I agree with almost everything he says.

But he goes on:

Against this background, it is disappointing to hear senior British politicians lending their voices to criticisms more frequently heard in the popular press, often based on a misunderstanding of the court’s role and history, and of the legal issues at stake. It is particularly unfortunate that a single judgment of the court on a case relating to UK prisoners’ voting rights, which was delivered in 2005 and has still not been implemented, has been used as the springboard for a sustained attack on the court and has led to repeated calls for the granting of powers of Parliament to override judgments of the court against the UK, and even for the withdrawal of the UK from the convention.

Bratza does not defend or criticise the Hirst judgment on prisoners’ votes, it’s worth noting – rightly, since it cannot be part of his role as President to debate the merits of any one of the court’s rulings. Fair enough. And I agree with him that the stand-off between British politicians and the court on prisoners’ votes is indeed unfortunate. But this case in particular undermines Sir Nicolas’s contention that

criticism relating to interference is simply not borne out by the facts.

I support the European Court of Human Rights, and am pleased to see Sir Nicolas defend its general record robustly. Most British criticism of the human rights court is wrong-headed and ill-informed. But on some specifics, I’m afraid the facts do bear out the complaint that the court has sometimes been too interventionist.

In the Hirst case and a couple of those which have followed, the court ignored one of its own key legal principles (the “margin of appreciation” it supposedly allows states), preferring to micromanage policy throughout Europe. The same sort of thing happened, I’d argue, in the DNA database case, S v Marper.

If the court can check its own occasional excessive interventionism, it will deserve our respect all the more.

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Commission v Hungary

by Carl Gardner on January 24, 2012

Last week the European Commission took the first step towards European Court proceedings against Hungary, over the country’s controversial new constitution, which took effect at the start of the year.

Here’s the Commission’s press release. It summarises the legal grounds on which the Commission has issued its letter of formal notice:

Under new Hungarian legislation, also 274 judges (including judges at the Supreme Court) are being compulsorily retired in contradiction to EU rules. The government also receives powers over the data protection authority that contradict the EU Treaties, which require the independence of national data protection authorities (Articles 16 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union/TFEU, Article 8(3) of the Charter of Fundamental Rights) and the independence of the national central bank (Articles 130 and 127 TFEU, Article 14 of the Statute of the European System of Central Banks and of the European Central Bank). Hungary’s central bank is part of the European System of Central Banks (ESCB) and the Hungarian Central Bank Governor has a seat in the General Council of the European Central Bank, which is the ECB’s third decision-making body.

As I say, this is only the first formal step towards infraction proceedings in the European Court of Justice: litigation hasn’t actually been commenced yet. Hungary now has a month in which to respond to the Commission in private correspondence, after which the Commission, if not satisfied with Hungary’s arguments and proposals, will deliver what’s called a “reasoned opinion” under article 258 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. That’s equivalent to a letter before action, and if Hungary doesn’t then cave in to the Commission’s demands (probably within a further month), the court proceedings will actually begin.

So in reality, we’re in a period of intense negotiation. Last week the Hungarian prime minister Viktor Orban defended his policies in the European Parliament; today he meets Commission President Jose-Manuel Barroso to discuss the differences between them.

Some might criticise the response of the EU and its leaders as being too soft, as compared with its policy of swift sanctions against Austria when the controversial right-wing Freedom Party entered its government in 2000. That though, was an unsuccessful and counter-productive policy, which many even left-wing Austrians thought was over the top (I visited Austria twice that year as I recall), and from which the EU backed down fairly quickly.

This more targeted approach of challenging concrete and specific breaches of EU law as they arise seems to me to have much greater potential to produce results, and to appear legitimate to Hungarians.

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Without Prejudice

by Carl Gardner on January 20, 2012

Without Prejudice will be back on the podcast air properly in a couple of weeks in its panel format, but in the meantime Charon QC and I spoke last night about

  • the government’s justice and security green paper on “closed material procedures” in civil proceedings
  • Abu Qatada’s case in the European Court of Human Rights
  • this week’s High Court ruling granting an injunction to the City of London against the St. Paul’s Occupy LSX protesters
  • contempt of court online, and
  • Scotland’s referendum.

We enjoyed it – I hope you do too. Listen to the podcast in the player below – and remember you can subscribe through iTunes.

Play
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On Monday the Guardian published this piece about Sadakat Kadri‘s claim that

Islamic law can be compatible with the toughest human rights legislation.

I doubt this very much; and I don’t think my or anyone else’s scepticism is the result of a lack of “sharia-literacy”. In a BBC Radio 3 interview last week with Anne McElvoy (from 28’35″) Kadri complained that Islamic law is too often seen as a monolithic, savage code. He argued that we need to appreciate its nuances, that it’s not simply about violent punishments, and that the claims of Islamists do not necessarily reflect the true sharia. To me this sounds like a hopelessly abstract apologia, and reminds me of those Trotskyists who urged me in the 1980s to stop worrying about the false Marxism practised in the Soviet Union, and learn more about the true revolutionary path. But that’s beside my point.

What interests me is what the Guardian report says about the status of sharia in the UK.

In 2008, Rowan Williams, archbishop of Canterbury, sparked controversy when he appeared to suggest that sharia law should be more widely adopted.

In fact, under the Arbitration Act 1996, the rulings of religious bodies, including the Muslim arbitration tribunal, already have legal force in disputes involving matters such as inheritance and divorce.

But this isn’t the position in fact, as regards divorce.

The solicitor David Hodson has argued that legislation is needed so as to permit binding arbitration in  family matters. That’s a change that would be needed because it’s well established as a matter of common law that the courts will not simply recognise and apply an agreement between wife and husband about what should happen on divorce. In Edgar v Edgar [1980] 1 WLR 1410 Lord Justice Ormrod said

it is common ground that the principle laid down by the House of Lords in Hyman v. Hyman (1929) AC 601, still applies. At page 64, Lord Hailsham L.C., said,

“However, this may be, it is sufficient for the decision of the present case to hold, as I do, that the power of the court to make provision for a wife on the dissolution of her marriage is a necessary incident of the power to decree such a dissolution, conferred not merely in the interests of the wife, but of the public, and that the wife cannot by her own convenant preclude herself from invoking the jurisdiction of the court or preclude the court from the exercise of that jurisdiction.”

It’s this rule that has stood in the way of recognising pre-nuptial agreements in this country, as Christopher Sharp QC explained in this 2009 paper.

The position’s sufficiently clear for Jack Straw, when he was Lord Chancellor and Justice Secretary in 2008, to answer a question from Dominic Grieve in these terms:

In the past year the Ministry of Justice has received a number of requests for information and details of policy relating to Sharia law and Sharia councils and their position on family issues …

Arbitration is not a system of dispute resolution that may be used in family cases. Therefore no draft consent orders embodying the terms of an agreement reached by the use of a Sharia council have been enforced within the meaning of the Arbitration Act 1996 in matrimonial proceedings.

The Guardian piece ends by setting out the supposedly “top five sharia myths”. But perhaps the most common sharia myth in this country, and one that’s been developing partly as a result of inaccurate comment, is that sharia decisions on divorce have legal effect through the Arbitration Act 1996.

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Children’s Rights Alliance v Justice Secretary: campaign groups and human rights

January 17, 2012

It’s not unusual nowadays for campaign groups of all kinds to take judicial review proceedings against public authorities: it’s now well established that their knowledge of and involvement in matters of public interest means they can have a sufficient interest entitling them to challenge public law decisions within the area of their expertise. The key [...]

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R (Bailey) v Brent: law against the cuts (and politics)

December 20, 2011

As a resident of Brent in north-west London, I’m not sure what I think about the Labour council’s planned library cuts. I’m not happy that any should be cut. I don’t want social care to be cut any more than it needs to be, either, or any of the other important things councils do. And [...]

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Lord Irvine’s speech: full text

December 15, 2011

Thanks to Paul Dillane, who directed me to the document.

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Al-Khawaja & Tahery v UK: Lord Irvine vindicated

December 15, 2011

In his lecture last night, Lord Irvine invited British judges to become more assertive in deciding human rights cases for themselves, agreeing or disagreeing with the European Court of Human Rights, as they see fit. Today’s judgment from the European Court in Al-Khawaja & Tahery v UK vindicates, at least in part, Lord Irvine’s claim [...]

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Lord Irvine: British judges should decide human rights cases for themselves

December 14, 2011

Lord Irvine tonight weighed in to the debate about Britain’s relationship with the European Court of Human Rights – and effectively accused the Supreme Court of having surrendered its intellectual independence, and shirked its judicial responsibility. His at times toughly-worded lecture to the UCL Judicial Institute and the Bingham Centre for the Rule of Law [...]

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“Prior protection”: Davies and Campbell are right

December 2, 2011

Alistair Campbell blogged yesterday about his appearance and evidence to the Leveson inquiry. He had plenty to say, but I won’t repeat it – read the transcript of his evidence, and the statement he provided. What interests me especially is what he writes in that blogpost about the regime of regulation that should replace the [...]

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